It was supposed to be the film to secure Jair Bolsonaro’s legacy and usher his son Flavio into power.

Instead, Dark Horse has embroiled Mr Bolsonaro Jr in Brazil’s biggest financial fraud case in recent history, and possibly doomed his hopes of winning the country’s presidency.

The younger Bolsonaro, who is backed by his disgraced father’s old ally Donald Trump, has been left scrambling to contain the scandal after it was revealed he asked a suspected fraudster for 134m Brazilian real (£19.4m) to film the biopic.

The 45-year-old presidential candidate was counting on the film to bolster Right-wing support and seal his victory against Luiz Inácio “Lula” da Silva, the Left-wing incumbent, in elections in October.

The US-Brazilian film, which stars Jim Caviezel, the fervent Maga supporter who starred in The Passion of the Christ, as Bolsonaro Snr, chronicles the former president’s rise to power.

It portrays Bolsonaro Sr, currently serving a 27-year jail sentence for attempting a coup, as an anti-establishment crusader who wins the presidency after surviving an assassination attempt.

But leaked voice notes reveal Mr Bolsonaro Jr begging Daniel Vorcaro, who is under investigation in connection with an alleged £1.7bn fraud, to fund the English language film.

He asked Mr Vorcaro for R$134m, and it is alleged that at least R$61m (£8.9m) was moved via intermediaries based in Brazil and Texas between February and May last year.

Eyebrows were raised at the sums involved because two of Brazil’s biggest pictures in recent years, I’m Still Here and The Secret Agent, both cost far less – around £6.6m and £4m respectively – and won Oscars. The Bolsonaros have not produced documents showing where the money went. They have denied wrongdoing.

The scandal has seen Mr Bolsonaro Jr’s approval ratings tumble with exasperated voters.

Mr Vorcaro was the head of Banco Master, a mid-size lender, which collapsed in November after allegations of a R$12bn (£1.7bn) fraud.

Investigators have uncovered ties between Mr Vorcaro and prominent politicians, judges, and banking executives, raising concerns about influence and favouritism amongst Brazil’s elite. Mr Vorcaro denies the allegations.

Mr Bolsonaro Jr, chosen by his father to run for the presidency in his place, initially denied knowing the banker until Intercept Brasil, an investigative outlet, published leaked audio recordings in which he urged his “brother” Vorcaro to send money.

“Even though you gave us freedom to ask you, I feel embarrassed having to keep asking,” he tells Mr Vorcaro in a Sept 8 recording.

“But this is a decisive moment for the film. There are many overdue instalments, everyone is tense, and I’m worried about the opposite effect from what we dreamed for the movie.”

He also admitted to having visited Mr Vorcaro late last year after the banker was released from arrest and wearing an ankle tag, saying if he had warned him “the situation was that serious, I would have looked for another investor a long time before, and the film wouldn’t be at risk”.

The production company has denied any funds reached the film.

In a country deeply concerned about corruption and a lack of trust in the political system, the fallout has already started, with federal investigators looking into Mr Bolsonaro Jr’s ties with the disgraced financier.

The first poll conducted after the scandal, by AtlasIntel, showed him trailing Lula with 41.8 per cent against the 80-year-old president’s 48.9.

Polling conducted before the news about Mr Bolsonaro Jr’s ties Mr Vorcaro broke had the Right-wing candidate running neck and neck with his Leftist opponent.

“The case is likely to reignite anti-corruption sentiment that remains vivid among Brazilian voters and deepen distrust in the political system,” Valentina Sader, the Brazil lead at the Atlantic Council’s Latin America Centre, told The Telegraph, adding that corruption continued to be one of the biggest issues for voters.

It could also help other Right-wing candidates gain momentum, such as Romeu Zema of Partido Novo and Ronaldo Caiado of the Social Democratic Party, who launched attacks against Mr Bolsonaro Jr.

“Brazilian electoral history suggests that corruption allegations alone rarely determine presidential outcomes,” Rafael da Silva da Costa, an associate tutor at the University of Warwick, told The Telegraph.

“Their impact depends largely on whether they alter existing political coalitions or create openings for rival candidates.”

Appeal for Trump backing

In a last-ditch attempt to improve his sinking popularity, the senator fired his campaign manager, and visited Donald Trump.

Hoping voters at home would appreciate his tough-on-crime approach, Flavio convinced Mr Trump – who has previously tried and failed to free his long-time ally Bolsonaro Sr – to designate two leading Brazilian drug cartels as terrorist organisations.

This could help voters forget the film scandal, Mr Da Silva da Costa says. “Flavio’s visit to Washington helped shift attention towards an issue that traditionally favours the Bolsonaro family: public security. The trip allowed supporters to present him as an internationally connected political actor and partially redirect attention away from the allegations.”

But Mr Trump also imposed tariffs on the nation, something Lula jumped on to boost his own chances in the election by accusing Washington of incursion on Brazil’s sovereignty – a winning card to play in a patriotic country.

Perhaps Bolsonaro Sr envisioned his own Trump moment by including his attempted assassination in the film, due for release on Sept 11.

He has modelled himself on the US president, portraying himself as a political outsider who took on Leftism, corruption and a soft touch on crime to win the presidency.

“To foreigners, to environmentalists, to Hollywood paedophiles,” Bolsonaro Sr says during the trailer. “This country isn’t theirs. It’s ours.”

For Dr Henrique Tavares Furtado, a senior lecturer in politics and international relations at Bristol UWE University, many will vote for Mr Bolsonaro Jr simply because they don’t like Lula, or the Bolsonaros will use social media to rewrite the narrative.

Dr Furtado says social media in Brazil creates “separate universes” where voters’ political choices are informed by information from candidates without any fact-checking.

“[The Bolsonaros] are seen to be a political clan and a movement and they appear to be scandal-proof,” he told The Telegraph.

“We’re talking about a candidate whose father planned a coup d’etat which involved plans for murdering the president and Supreme Court justices, and yet he’s expected to get more than 40 per cent of the voting intentions.”

The film already has some backing from the US. Steve Bannon, the conservative commentator and one-time chief strategist for the Trump White House, told the Financial Times he planned to promote Dark Horse, and felt Caviezel’s status meant it could be a hit.

The trailer ends with Bolsonaro Sr, who narrowly survived his assassination attempt, lying in a hospital bed. After being told God is with him, he starts to open his eyes.

It seems that despite another corruption scandal, there could be life in him yet.