From Lugano to America: The Muslim Brotherhood's 'Project' in Action

The Muslim Brotherhood’s 1982 document “The Project” is a patient, multi-generational blueprint for achieving Islamic supremacy in the West. It calls for the rejection of assimilation, the creation of parallel Islamic societies, the penetration of Western institutions, and the gradual dismantling of host societies so that Sharia ultimately prevails.
The Lugano Meeting: Where the Scheme Took Shape
In 1977, exiled Muslim Brotherhood leaders gathered in a chalet in Lugano, Switzerland. Hosted by Mahmoud Abu-Saud, a close confidante of Brotherhood founder Hassan al-Banna, the meeting brought together key ideologues including Isma’il al-Faruqi, Yusuf al-Qaradawi, and others.
Mahmud Shaikh Rashdan, a central figure in the early U.S. Muslim Students Association (MSA) and later Islamic Society of North America (ISNA) founder, participated in these foundational discussions.
The Lugano gathering directly advanced the “Islamization of Knowledge” doctrine and laid the groundwork for institutions like the International Institute of Islamic Thought (IIIT). It produced the strategic vision that crystallized into “The Project” five years later. This document instructs followers to create self-contained Islamic structures and mobilize resources for long-term conquest while steadily expanding influence.
The following two case studies illustrate how these exact tactics have been applied in American communities across decades.
Plainfield, Indiana: A Quiet Farm Becomes the Muslim Brotherhood’s American Headquarters
In 1979, residents of Plainfield, Indiana, discovered that Muslims had quietly acquired a 123-acre farm on the edge of town and were seeking approval for a mosque and additional buildings. Locals formed the Concerned Citizens of Hendricks County after realizing the commercial scale of the project.
Mahmud Shaikh Rashdan, fresh from the Lugano strategic discussions, led the effort as secretary-general of the Muslim Students Association. When residents objected, Rashdan branded them prejudiced and unwilling to accept facts. National media, including The New York Times, portrayed the Muslims as victims of Christian bigotry, amplifying claims of threats and vandalism.
Despite local opposition, the project advanced with massive foreign funding from Muslim Brotherhood figures including Yusuf al-Qaradawi, Youssef Nada, and the emir of Qatar – totaling $21 million. The Brotherhood’s North American Islamic Trust (NAIT) built the complex.
By 1981, ISNA had incorporated and established its national headquarters on that Plainfield farmland, complete with a 500-person mosque, an 80,000-volume library, and research facilities.
Plainfield residents lost control of their rural land to a national command center for one of America’s largest Muslim Brotherhood-linked organizations.
Ann Arbor, Michigan: Terror-Linked Imam Forces Taxpayer-Funded Islamic Expansion
In Michigan, the pattern repeated with added intensity. Moataz Al-Hallak, who had served as founding imam of the Islamic Society of Arlington in Texas, carried direct ties to Osama bin Laden’s network. He worked alongside Wadih El Hage, bin Laden’s personal secretary convicted in the 1998 U.S. Embassy bombings that killed 224 people. Al-Hallak recruited for the Afghan jihad and maintained connections to networks linked to the 1993 World Trade Center bombing.
After turmoil in Texas, Al-Hallak became imam of the Muslim Community Association (MCA) of Ann Arbor and Vicinity. In 2011, the associated Michigan Islamic Academy applied to rezone a 26-acre parcel. Local officials denied the request over legitimate traffic and master plan concerns.
The Hamas-linked Council on American Islamic Relations (CAIR) intervened aggressively, accusing the township of prejudice and called their buddies in the Obama Administration to help. Pittsfield Charter Township surrendered in 2014. The town paid $1.7 million in taxpayer funds, approved the full project including a 70,000-square-foot Islamic school and residential units, and submitted officials to sensitivity training.
Watch a local news report feature CAIR-MI Executive Director Dawud Walid, who claimed that the town denied the project due to “anti-Muslim bigotry”:
The complex, approved in 2025, will feature a 58,000 square foot Muslim Community Center, along with 11 duplexes with 22 units.
A terror-tied imam had used lawfare and victimhood claims to extract public money and force a large Islamic enclave on the community.
Parallel Tactics: “The Project” in Action
Both cases demonstrate the exact tactics outlined in “The Project.” The Lugano meeting provided the intellectual foundation, and Rashdan helped carry it into practice in Plainfield. Stealth land acquisition or institutional embedding came first. Local resistance triggered immediate accusations of bigotry, amplified by media. External funding and pressure – whether foreign millions or activist lawfare – overrode community objections. The outcome in each case was the creation of parallel Islamic infrastructure that operates separately from American society.
These methods match “The Project’s” directives to build self-contained societies that reject assimilation, dominate social services and institutions, and advance gradually without provoking decisive opposition. Victimhood narratives neutralize critics, while parallel structures (headquarters, schools, mosques, housing) lay the groundwork for long-term dominance.
A Warning for America
From the 1977 Lugano meeting to the present, the Muslim Brotherhood has followed its own blueprint with terrifying consistency. Plainfield’s rural farm became ISNA’s national headquarters. Ann Arbor’s township was forced to finance Islamic expansion with taxpayer dollars. In both places, quiet American communities lost ground to coordinated infiltration.
“The Project” is not ancient history. It is an active strategy producing visible results in towns across the country. Stealth, smears, lawfare, foreign funding, and parallel society building continue to erode sovereignty one concession at a time. These case studies prove the plan works – unless communities recognize the pattern and refuse to submit.