The DSA is having a moment. 

Or, perhaps, much more than a moment. At the moment, they are still gaining momentum as the dominant ideological force in the Democratic Party, although I do think that the Graham Platner disaster has taken some shine off the movement for some candidates in competitive states. 

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There are two main reasons why I think that the Democratic Party establishment, which is rightfully scared of the DSA's momentum in seizing power in the Party, will lose the battle against the socialists in the near term: overall, their base is much more inclined to like socialism as an idea than at any time in recent memory, and, by far, the young radicals are the most active and excited voters, and excited voters can dominate candidate selection processes. 

As I wrote earlier today, two-thirds of Democrats now have a positive view of socialism, outstripping support for capitalism by a substantial margin, while the population as a whole is inclined to hate it, and really hate communism. That means even more moderate Democrats, or what I call the Organized Crime Democrats, have to talk about "Big Tents" and even mirror some of the aggressive language of the radicals, and in many cases have to worry about being taken out in primary elections. 

Several have already, and Chuck Schumer is a dead man walking in New York. That's why Kathy Hochul is bouncing between trying to hold back Mamdani and kowtowing to him. 

As I have suggested before, the Democratic Party's brand, which took quite the hit over the past couple of years, can be and probably is being hurt by the lurch leftward. 

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But Republicans have to do a better job tying individual Democrats to the larger trend. Many Democrats in competitive districts will run on "bipartisanship" and blather on about "kitchen table issues," and avoid the worst damage. Center-left voters don't want to abandon the Democrats, and some independents will look for any excuse to vote Democrat to send a message that they are unhappy with Trump and Congress, and it is those swing voters who we need to drive away from Democrats. 

We can't give any Democrat in a swing district any breathing room on the DSA candidates and DSA platform. It is, frankly, our most powerful tool in the upcoming election because swing voters will, for the most part, vote for the candidate they dislike least, not the one they like most. 

It's often that way, and when the mood in the country is sour, it is doubly true. 

Tying Senate candidates to Abdul El-Sayed, should he win his primary, and tying Democratic governor candidates to the most radical governors and candidates in the country can be a very powerful tool. And in congressional races, running against the Democrats and the DSA generically will rub off on local candidates whom voters tend to know less about. 

If you can get Democratic candidates to explicitly reject the DSA, that, too, is good because it throws fuel on the fire that is growing in the Democratic Party civil war. 

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The DSA is brimming with confidence, which should help. They are crowing about taking over the Democratic Party, which gives us the opportunity to make Democrats take a stand on whether they should. Most will "Big tent" the question, which means try to punt it, but that invites a riposte: so you are saying it's good to have a growing group within the party that wants to abolish the Constitution, defund the military, eliminate the police, and seize the means of production?

Making them take a stand one way or another puts them in a bind: either enrage the left, the most enthusiastic voting bloc, or invite doubts from more moderate voters. 

Editor's Note: The Democrat Party has never been less popular as voters reject its globalist agenda.

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